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Section 24 of 33
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Page 3 of 6
Book IV, Chapter III: Of the Extraordinary Restraints upon the Importation of Goods of Almost All Kinds, from Those Countries with which the Balance Is Supposed to Be Disadvantageous
1
Introduction and Plan of the Work
2
Book I, Chapter I: Of the Division of Labour
3
Book I, Chapter II: Of the Principle which Gives Occasion to the Division of Labour
4
Book I, Chapter III: That the Division of Labour Is Limited by the Extent of the Market
5
Book I, Chapter IV: Of the Origin and Use of Money
6
Book I, Chapter V: Of the Real and Nominal Price of Commodities, or of Their Price in Labour, and Their Price in Money
7
Book I, Chapter VI: Of the Component Part of the Price of Commodities
8
Book I, Chapter VII: Of the Natural and Market Price of Commodities
9
Book I, Chapter VIII: Of the Wages of Labour
10
Book I, Chapter IX: Of the Profits of Stock
11
Book I, Chapter X: Of Wages and Profit in the Different Employments of Labour and Stock
12
Book I, Chapter XI: Of the Rent of Land
13
Book II, Chapter I: Of the Division of Stock
14
Book II, Chapter II: Of Money, Considered as a Particular Branch of the General Stock of the Society, or of the Expense of Maintaining the National Capital
15
Book II, Chapter III: Of the Accumulation of Capital, or of Productive and Unproductive Labour
16
Book II, Chapter IV: Of Stock Lent at Interest
17
Book II, Chapter V: Of the Different Employments of Capitals
18
Book III, Chapter I: Of the Natural Progress of Opulence
19
Book III, Chapter II: Of the Discouragement of Agriculture in the Ancient State of Europe, After the Fall of the Roman Empire
20
Book III, Chapter III: Of the Rise and Progress of Cities and Towns, After the Fall of the Roman Empire
21
Book III, Chapter IV: How the Commerce of Towns Contributed to the Improvement of the Country
22
Book IV, Chapter I: Of the Principle of the Commercial or Mercantile System
23
Book IV, Chapter II: Of Restraints upon Importation from Foreign Countries of Such Goods as Can Be Produced at Home
24
Book IV, Chapter III: Of the Extraordinary Restraints upon the Importation of Goods of Almost All Kinds, from Those Countries with which the Balance Is Supposed to Be Disadvantageous
25
Book IV, Chapter IV: Of Drawbacks
26
Book IV, Chapter V: Of Bounties
27
Book IV, Chapter VI: Of Treaties of Commerce
28
Book IV, Chapter VII: Of Colonies
29
Book IV, Chapter VIII: Conclusion of the Mercantile System
30
Book IV, Chapter IX: Of the Agricultural Systems, or of Those Systems of Political Economy which Represent the Produce of Land, as Either the Sole or the Principal Source of the Revenue and Wealth of Every Country
31
Book V, Chapter I: Of the Expenses of the Sovereign or Commonwealth
32
Book V, Chapter II: Of the Sources of the General or Public Revenue of the Society
33
Book V, Chapter III: Of Public Debts
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Book IV, Chapter III: Of the Extraordinary Restraints upon the Importation of Goods of Almost All Kinds, from Those Countries with which the Balance Is Supposed to Be Disadvantageous
Central question
Is the...
AI Summary
The Wealth of Nations
Section 24 of 33
Book IV, Chapter III: Of the Extraordinary Restraints upon the Importation of Goods of Almost All Kinds, from Those Countries with which the Balance Is Supposed to Be Disadvantageous
Central question
Is the balance-of-trade fear a good reason for broad restrictions?
Main argument
Smith dismantles the idea that importing from a country with which the balance is unfavorable is a sign of national loss. He argues that such reasoning mistakes money movements for real wealth and ignores the mutual gains of trade. The chapter is a deeper attack on mercantile obsession with visible trade deficits.
Key ideas
A trade deficit is not automatically a national loss.
Money flows respond to commerce, not vice versa.
Buyers and sellers both benefit from exchange.
Policy based on trade anxiety is often incoherent.
Key takeaway
The balance of trade is a poor guide to national advantage.
from about six to sixteen stivers upon the mark ,
or eight ounces of silver ,
of eleven parts of fine and one part alloy .
The bank price ,
or the credit which the bank gives for the deposits of such silver (
when made in foreign coin ,
of which the fineness is well known and ascertained ,
such as Mexico
dollars ),
is twenty-two
guilders the mark :
the mint price is about twenty-three
guilders ,
and the market price is from twenty-three
guilders six ,
to twenty-three
guilders sixteen stivers ,
or from two to three per cent .
above the mint price .
The following are the prices at which the bank of Amsterdam
at present {
September 1775}
receives bullion and coin of different kinds :
SILVER
Mexico
dollars ................. 22
Guilders /
mark
French crowns .................. 22
English silver coin ............. 22
Mexico
dollars ,
new coin ........ 21 10
Ducatoons ....................... 3 0
Rix-dollars..................... 2 8
Bar silver ,
containing 11-12ths
fine silver , 21
Guilders /
mark ,
and in this proportion down to 1-4th
fine ,
on which 5
guilders are given .
Fine bars ,................. 28
Guilders /
mark .
GOLD
Portugal
coin ................. 310
Guilders /
mark
Guineas ....................... 310
Louis d’ors,
new .............. 310
Ditto old .............. 300
New ducats .................... 4 19 8
per ducat
Bar or ingot gold is received in proportion to its fineness ,
compared with the above foreign gold coin .
Upon fine bars the bank gives 340
per mark .
In general ,
however ,
something more is given upon coin of a known fineness ,
than upon gold and silver bars ,
of which the fineness cannot be ascertained but by a process of melting and assaying .
The proportions between the bank price ,
the mint price ,
and the market price of gold bullion ,
are nearly the same .
A person can generally sell his receipt for the difference between the mint price of bullion and the market price .
A receipt for bullion is almost always worth something ,
and it very seldom happens ,
therefore ,
that anybody suffers his receipts to expire ,
or allows his bullion to fall to the bank at the price at which it had been received ,
either by not taking it out before the end of the six months ,
or by neglecting to pay one fourth or one half per cent .
in order to obtain a new receipt for another six months .
This ,
however ,
though it happens seldom ,
is said to happen sometimes ,
and more frequently with regard to gold than with regard to silver ,
on account of the higher warehouse rent which is paid for the keeping of the more precious metal .
The person who ,
by making a deposit of bullion ,
obtains both a bank credit and a receipt ,
pays his bills of exchange as they become due ,
with his bank credit ;
and either sells or keeps his receipt ,
according as he judges that the price of bullion is likely to rise or to fall .
The receipt and the bank credit seldom keep long together ,
and there is no occasion that they should .
The person who has a receipt ,
and who wants to take out bullion ,
finds always plenty of bank credits ,
or bank money ,
to buy at the ordinary price ,
and the person who has bank money ,
and wants to take out bullion ,
finds receipts always in equal abundance .
The owners of bank credits ,
and the holders of receipts ,
constitute two different sorts of creditors against the bank .
The holder of a receipt cannot draw out the bullion for which it is granted ,
without re-assigning
to the bank a sum of bank money equal to the price at which the bullion had been received .
If he has no bank money of his own ,
he must purchase it of those who have it .
The owner of bank money cannot draw out bullion ,
without producing to the bank receipts for the quantity which he wants .
If he has none of his own ,
he must buy them of those who have them .
The holder of a receipt ,
when he purchases bank money ,
purchases the power of taking out a quantity of bullion ,
of which the mint price is five per cent .
above the bank price .
The agio of five per cent .
therefore ,
which he commonly pays for it ,
is paid ,
not for an imaginary ,
but for a real value .
The owner of bank money ,
when he purchases a receipt ,
purchases the power of taking out a quantity of bullion ,
of which the market price is commonly from two to three per cent .
above the mint price .
The price which he pays for it ,
therefore ,
is paid likewise for a real value .
The price of the receipt ,
and the price of the bank money ,
compound or make up between them the full value or price of the bullion .
Upon deposits of the coin current in the country ,
the bank grant receipts likewise ,
as well as bank credits ;
but those receipts are frequently of no value and will bring no price in the market .
Upon ducatoons ,
for example ,
which in the currency pass for three guilders three stivers each ,
the bank gives a credit of three guilders only ,
or five per cent .
below their current value .
It grants a receipt likewise ,
entitling the bearer to take out the number of ducatoons deposited at any time within six months ,
upon paying one fourth per cent .
for the keeping .
This receipt will frequently bring no price in the market .
Three guilders ,
bank money ,
generally sell in the market for three guilders three stivers ,
the full value of the ducatoons ,
if they were taken out of the bank ;
and before they can be taken out , one-fourth
per cent .
must be paid for the keeping ,
which would be mere loss to the holder of the receipt .
If the agio of the bank ,
however ,
should at any time fall to three per cent .
such receipts might bring some price in the market ,
and might sell for one and three-fourths
per cent .
But the agio of the bank being now generally about five per cent .
such receipts are frequently allowed to expire ,
or ,
as they express it ,
to fall to the bank .
The receipts which are given for deposits of gold ducats fall to it yet more frequently ,
because a higher warehouse rent ,
or one half per cent .
must be paid for the keeping of them ,
before they can be taken out again .
The five per cent .
which the bank gains ,
when deposits either of coin or bullion are allowed to fall to it ,
maybe considered as the warehouse rent for the perpetual keeping of such deposits .
The sum of bank money ,
for which the receipts are expired ,
must be very considerable .
It must comprehend the whole original capital of the bank ,
which ,
it is generally supposed ,
has been allowed to remain there from the time it was first deposited ,
nobody caring either to renew his receipt ,
or to take out his deposit ,
as ,
for the reasons already assigned ,
neither the one nor the other could be done without loss .
But whatever may be the amount of this sum ,
the proportion which it bears to the whole mass of bank money is supposed to be very small .
The bank of Amsterdam
has ,
for these many years past ,
been the great warehouse of Europe
for bullion ,
for which the receipts are very seldom allowed to expire ,
or ,
as they express it ,
to fall to the bank .
The far greater part of the bank money ,
or of the credits upon the books of the bank ,
is supposed to have been created ,
for these many years past ,
by such deposits ,
which the dealers in bullion are continually both making and withdrawing .
No demand can be made upon the bank ,
but by means of a recipice or receipt .
The smaller mass of bank money ,
for which the receipts are expired ,
is mixed and confounded with the much greater mass for which they are still in force ;
so that ,
though there may be a considerable sum of bank money ,
for which there are no receipts ,
there is no specific sum or portion of it which may not at any time be demanded by one .
The bank cannot be debtor to two persons for the same thing ;
and the owner of bank money who has no receipt ,
cannot demand payment of the bank till he buys one .
In ordinary and quiet times ,
he can find no difficulty in getting one to buy at the market price ,
which generally corresponds with the price at which he can sell the coin or bullion it entitles him to take out of the bank .
It might be otherwise during a public calamity ;
an invasion ,
for example ,
such as that of the French in 1672.
The owners of bank money being then all eager to draw it out of the bank ,
in order to have it in their own keeping ,
the demand for receipts might raise their price to an exorbitant height .
The holders of them might form extravagant expectations ,
and ,
instead of two or three per cent .
demand half the bank money for which credit had been given upon the deposits that the receipts had respectively been granted for .
The enemy ,
informed of the constitution of the bank ,
might even buy them up ,
in order to prevent the carrying away of the treasure .
In such emergencies ,
the bank ,
it is supposed ,
would break through its ordinary rule of making payment only to the holders of receipts .
The holders of receipts ,
who had no bank money ,
must have received within two or three per cent .
of the value of the deposit for which their respective receipts had been granted .
The bank ,
therefore ,
it is said ,
would in this case make no scruple of paying ,
either with money or bullion ,
the full value of what the owners of bank money ,
who could get no receipts ,
were credited for in its books ;
paying ,
at the same time ,
two or three per cent .
to such holders of receipts as had no bank money ,
that being the whole value which ,
in this state of things ,
could justly be supposed due to them .
Even in ordinary and quiet times ,
it is the interest of the holders of receipts to depress the agio ,
in order either to buy bank money (
and consequently the bullion which their receipts would then enable them to take out of the bank )
so much cheaper ,
or to sell their receipts to those who have bank money ,
and who want to take out bullion ,
so much dearer ;
the price of a receipt being generally equal to the difference between the market price of bank money and that of the coin or bullion for which the receipt had been granted .
It is the interest of the owners of bank money ,
on the contrary ,
to raise the agio ,
in order either to sell their bank money so much dearer ,
or to buy a receipt so much cheaper .
To prevent the stock-jobbing
tricks which those opposite interests might sometimes occasion ,
the bank has of late years come to the resolution ,
to sell at all times bank money for currency at five per cent .
agio ,
and to buy it in again at four per cent .
agio .
In consequence of this resolution ,
the agio can never either rise above five ,
or sink below four per cent .;
and the proportion between the market price of bank and that of current money is kept at all times very near the proportion between their intrinsic values .
Before this resolution was taken ,
the market price of bank money used sometimes to rise so high as nine per cent .
agio ,
and sometimes to sink so low as par ,
according as opposite interests happened to influence the market .
The bank of Amsterdam
professes to lend out no part of what is deposited with it ,
but for every guilder for which it gives credit in its books ,
to keep in its repositories the value of a guilder either in money or bullion .
That it keeps in its repositories all the money or bullion for which there are receipts in force for which it is at all times liable to be called upon ,
and which in reality is continually going from it ,
and returning to it again ,
cannot well be doubted .
But whether
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