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Section 23 of 35
CHAPTER XVI. CONCERNING LIBERALITY AND MEANNESS
1
INTRODUCTION
2
YOUTH — Æt. 1-25—1469-94
3
OFFICE — Æt. 25-43—1494-1512
4
LITERATURE AND DEATH — Æt. 43-58—1512-27
5
THE MAN AND HIS WORKS
6
DEDICATION
7
THE PRINCE
8
CHAPTER I. HOW MANY KINDS OF PRINCIPALITIES THERE ARE, AND BY WHAT MEANS THEY ARE ACQUIRED
9
CHAPTER II. CONCERNING HEREDITARY PRINCIPALITIES
10
CHAPTER III. CONCERNING MIXED PRINCIPALITIES
11
CHAPTER IV. WHY THE KINGDOM OF DARIUS, CONQUERED BY ALEXANDER, DID NOT REBEL AGAINST THE SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER AT HIS DEATH
12
CHAPTER V. CONCERNING THE WAY TO GOVERN CITIES OR PRINCIPALITIES WHICH LIVED UNDER THEIR OWN LAWS BEFORE THEY WERE ANNEXED
13
CHAPTER VI. CONCERNING NEW PRINCIPALITIES WHICH ARE ACQUIRED BY ONE’s OWN ARMS AND ABILITY
14
CHAPTER VII. CONCERNING NEW PRINCIPALITIES WHICH ARE ACQUIRED EITHER BY THE ARMS OF OTHERS OR BY GOOD FORTUNE
15
CHAPTER VIII. CONCERNING THOSE WHO HAVE OBTAINED A PRINCIPALITY BY WICKEDNESS
16
CHAPTER IX. CONCERNING A CIVIL PRINCIPALITY
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CHAPTER X. CONCERNING THE WAY IN WHICH THE STRENGTH OF ALL PRINCIPALITIES OUGHT TO BE MEASURED
18
CHAPTER XI. CONCERNING ECCLESIASTICAL PRINCIPALITIES
19
CHAPTER XII. HOW MANY KINDS OF SOLDIERY THERE ARE, AND CONCERNING MERCENARIES
20
CHAPTER XIII. CONCERNING AUXILIARIES, MIXED SOLDIERY, AND ONE’s OWN
21
CHAPTER XIV. THAT WHICH CONCERNS A PRINCE ON THE SUBJECT OF THE ART OF WAR
22
CHAPTER XV. CONCERNING THINGS FOR WHICH MEN, AND ESPECIALLY PRINCES, ARE PRAISED OR BLAMED
23
CHAPTER XVI. CONCERNING LIBERALITY AND MEANNESS
24
CHAPTER XVII. CONCERNING CRUELTY AND CLEMENCY, AND WHETHER IT IS BETTER TO BE LOVED THAN FEARED
25
CHAPTER XVIII.[1] CONCERNING THE WAY IN WHICH PRINCES SHOULD KEEP FAITH
26
CHAPTER XIX. THAT ONE SHOULD AVOID BEING DESPISED AND HATED
27
CHAPTER XX. ARE FORTRESSES, AND MANY OTHER THINGS TO WHICH PRINCES OFTEN RESORT, ADVANTAGEOUS OR HURTFUL?
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CHAPTER XXI. HOW A PRINCE SHOULD CONDUCT HIMSELF SO AS TO GAIN RENOWN
29
CHAPTER XXII. CONCERNING THE SECRETARIES OF PRINCES
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CHAPTER XXIII. HOW FLATTERERS SHOULD BE AVOIDED
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CHAPTER XXIV. WHY THE PRINCES OF ITALY HAVE LOST THEIR STATES
32
CHAPTER XXV. WHAT FORTUNE CAN EFFECT IN HUMAN AFFAIRS AND HOW TO WITHSTAND HER
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CHAPTER XXVI. AN EXHORTATION TO LIBERATE ITALY FROM THE BARBARIANS
34
DESCRIPTION OF THE METHODS ADOPTED BY THE DUKE VALENTINO WHEN MURDERING VITELLOZZO VITELLI, OLIVEROTTO DA FERMO, THE SIGNOR PAGOLO, AND THE DUKE DI GRAVINA ORSINI
35
THE LIFE OF CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANI OF LUCCA
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Chapter 23 — CHAPTER XVI. CONCERNING LIBERALITY AND MEANNESS
Central question
Is generosity always a political virtue?
Main argument
Excessive liberality drains resources and forces the ruler into oppression...
AI Summary
The Prince
Section 23 of 35
Chapter 23 — CHAPTER XVI. CONCERNING LIBERALITY AND MEANNESS
Central question
Is generosity always a political virtue?
Main argument
Excessive liberality drains resources and forces the ruler into oppression later. Meanness may be the safer policy if it preserves the state and keeps taxes and burdens under control.
Key ideas
Public generosity has costs that return politically.
Saving resources can be a form of political prudence.
Key takeaway
A ruler can ruin himself by trying too hard to seem generous.
Commencing then with the first of the above-named characteristics ,
I say that it would be well to be reputed liberal .
Nevertheless ,
liberality exercised in a way that does not bring you the reputation for it ,
injures you ;
for if one exercises it honestly and as it should be exercised ,
it may not become known ,
and you will not avoid the reproach of its opposite .
Therefore ,
any one wishing to maintain among men the name of liberal is obliged to avoid no attribute of magnificence ;
so that a prince thus inclined will consume in such acts all his property ,
and will be compelled in the end ,
if he wish to maintain the name of liberal ,
to unduly weigh down his people ,
and tax them ,
and do everything he can to get money .
This will soon make him odious to his subjects ,
and becoming poor he will be little valued by any one ;
thus ,
with his liberality ,
having offended many and rewarded few ,
he is affected by the very first trouble and imperilled by whatever may be the first danger ;
recognizing this himself ,
and wishing to draw back from it ,
he runs at once into the reproach of being miserly .
Therefore ,
a prince ,
not being able to exercise this virtue of liberality in such a way that it is recognized ,
except to his cost ,
if he is wise he ought not to fear the reputation of being mean ,
for in time he will come to be more considered than if liberal ,
seeing that with his economy his revenues are enough ,
that he can defend himself against all attacks ,
and is able to engage in enterprises without burdening his people ;
thus it comes to pass that he exercises liberality towards all from whom he does not take ,
who are numberless ,
and meanness towards those to whom he does not give ,
who are few .
We have not seen great things done in our time except by those who have been considered mean ;
the rest have failed .
Pope Julius
the Second was assisted in reaching the papacy by a reputation for liberality ,
yet he did not strive afterwards to keep it up ,
when he made war on the King of France;
and he made many wars without imposing any extraordinary tax on his subjects ,
for he supplied his additional expenses out of his long thriftiness .
The present King of Spain
would not have undertaken or conquered in so many enterprises if he had been reputed liberal .
A prince ,
therefore ,
provided that he has not to rob his subjects ,
that he can defend himself ,
that he does not become poor and abject ,
that he is not forced to become rapacious ,
ought to hold of little account a reputation for being mean ,
for it is one of those vices which will enable him to govern .
And if any one should say : Caesar
obtained empire by liberality ,
and many others have reached the highest positions by having been liberal ,
and by being considered so ,
I answer :
Either you are a prince in fact ,
or in a way to become one .
In the first case this liberality is dangerous ,
in the second it is very necessary to be considered liberal ;
and Caesar
was one of those who wished to become pre-eminent in Rome;
but if he had survived after becoming so ,
and had not moderated his expenses ,
he would have destroyed his government .
And if any one should reply :
Many have been princes ,
and have done great things with armies ,
who have been considered very liberal ,
I reply :
Either a prince spends that which is his own or his subjects ’
or else that of others .
In the first case he ought to be sparing ,
in the second he ought not to neglect any opportunity for liberality .
And to the prince who goes forth with his army ,
supporting it by pillage ,
sack ,
and extortion ,
handling that which belongs to others ,
this liberality is necessary ,
otherwise he would not be followed by soldiers .
And of that which is neither yours nor your subjects ’
you can be a ready giver ,
as were Cyrus, Caesar,
and Alexander;
because it does not take away your reputation if you squander that of others ,
but adds to it ;
it is only squandering your own that injures you .
And there is nothing wastes so rapidly as liberality ,
for even whilst you exercise it you lose the power to do so ,
and so become either poor or despised ,
or else ,
in avoiding poverty ,
rapacious and hated .
And a prince should guard himself ,
above all things ,
against being despised and hated ;
and liberality leads you to both .
Therefore it is wiser to have a reputation for meanness which brings reproach without hatred ,
than to be compelled through seeking a reputation for liberality to incur a name for rapacity which begets reproach with hatred .
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