Project Gutenberg #77427
The Analysis of Matter
Bertrand Russell
1927Russell's philosophical treatment of physics and matter, prepared section by section from Project Gutenberg HTML.
Project Gutenberg #77427 Public domain in the United States Cover source Local typographic cover created for MojiMori from public-domain source metadata
231
words at B2 or above
A1
A2
B1
B2
C1
C2
C2+
highlighted
at or above your level
AI Summary
Chapter II — PRE-RELATIVITY PHYSICS Central question Why did Newtonian physics eventually need revision? Main argument Russell reconstructs the Newtonian picture: absolute space and time, particles, forces, and...
THE physics of Newton, considered as a deductive system, had a perfection which is absent from the physics of the present day. Science has two purposes, each of which tends to conflict with the other. On the one hand, there is a desire to know as much as possible of the facts in the region concerned; on the other hand, there is the attempt to embrace all the known facts in the smallest possible number of general laws. The law of gravitation accounted for all the facts about the motions of the planets and their satellites which were known in Newton's day; at the time, it exhibited the ideal of science. But facts and theories seem destined to conflict sooner or later. When this happens, there is a tendency either to deny the facts or to despair of theory. Thanks to Einstein, the minute facts which have been found incompatible with the natural philosophy of Newton have been fitted into a new natural philosophy; but there is not yet the complete theoretical harmony that existed while Newton was undisputed.
It is necessary to say something about the Newtonian system, since everything subsequent has arisen as an amendment to it, not as a fresh start. Most of the fundamental concepts of this system are due to Galileo, but the complete structure appears first in Newton's Principia. The theory is simple and mathematical; indeed, one of its main differences from modern theories is its belief (perhaps traceable to Greek geometry) that Nature is convenient for the mathematician, and requires little manipulation before his concepts become applicable.
The Newtonian system, stated with schematic simplicity, as, e.g. by Boscovitch, is as follows. There is an absolute[Pg 14] space, composed of points, and an absolute time, composed of instants; there are particles of matter, each of which persists through all time and occupies a point at each instant. Each particle exerts forces on other particles, the effect of which is to produce accelerations. Each particle is associated with a certain quantity, its "mass," which is inversely proportional to the acceleration produced in the particle by a given force. The laws of physics are conceived, on the analogy of the law of gravitation, as formulæ giving the force exerted by one particle on another in a given relative situation. This system is logically faultless. It was criticized on the ground that absolute space and time were meaningless, and on the ground that action at a distance was inconceivable. This latter objection was sanctioned by Newton, who was not a strict Newtonian. But in fact neither objection had any force from a logical point of view. Kant's antinomies, and the supposed difficulties of infinity and continuity, were finally disposed of by Georg Cantor. There was no valid a priori reason for supposing that Nature was not such as the Newtonians averred, and their scientific successes afforded empirical, or at least pragmatic, arguments in their favour. It is no wonder, therefore, that, throughout the eighteenth century, the system of ideas which had led to the law of gravitation dominated all scientific thought.
Before physics itself had made any breaches in this edifice, there were, however, certain objections of an epistemological order. It will be worth while to consider these, since it is urged that the theory of relativity is not open to them, though I believe this claim to be only partially justified.
The most formidable and persistent attack was upon absolute space and time. This attack was initiated by Leibniz in the lifetime of Newton, especially in his controversy with Clarke, who represented Newton. In time, most physicists came to disbelieve in absolute space and time, while retaining the Newtonian[Pg 15] technique, which assumed their existence. In Clerk Maxwell's Matter and Motion, absolute motion is asserted in one passage and denied in another, with hardly any attempt to reconcile these two opinions. But at the end of the nineteenth century the prevalent view was certainly that of Mach, who vigorously denied absolute space and time. Although this denial has now been proved to be right, I cannot think that before Einstein and Minkowski it had any conclusive arguments in its favour. In spite of the fact that the whole question is now ancient history, it may be instructive to consider the arguments briefly.
The important reasons for rejecting absolute space and time were two. First, that everything we can observe has to do only with the relative positions of bodies and events; secondly, that points and instants are an unnecessary hypothesis, and are therefore to be rejected in accordance with the principle of economy, which is the same thing as Occam's razor. It appears to me that the first of these arguments has no force, while the second was false until the advent of the theory of relativity. My reasons are as follows:
That we can only observe relative positions is, of course, true; but science assumes many things that cannot be observed, for the sake of simplicity and continuity in causal laws. Leibniz assumed that there are infinitesimals, although everything that we can observe exceeds a certain minimum size. We all think that the earth has an inside, and the moon a side which we cannot see. But, it will be said, these things are like what we observe, and circumstances can be imagined under which we should observe them, whereas absolute space and time are different in kind from anything directly known, and could not be directly known in any conceivable conditions. Unfortunately, however, this applies equally to physical bodies. The relative positions which we see are relative positions of parts of the visual field; but the things in the visual field are[Pg 16] not bodies as conceived in traditional physics, which is dominated by the Cartesian dualism of mind and matter, and places the visual field in the former. This argument is not valid as against Mach, who argued that our sensations are actually part of the physical world, and thus inaugurated the movement towards neutral monism, which denies the ultimate validity of the mind-matter dualism. But it is valid as against all those for whom matter is a sort of Ding-an-sich, essentially different from anything that enters into our experience. For them, it should be as illegitimate to infer matter from our perceptions as to infer absolute space and time. The one, like the other, is part of our naive beliefs, as is shown by the Copernican controversy, which would have been impossible for men who rejected absolute space and time. And the remoteness from our perceptions is as much a discovery due to reflection in the one case as in the other.
It is impossible to lay down a hard-and-fast rule that we can never validly infer something radically different from what we observe—unless, indeed, we take up the position that nothing unobserved can ever be validly inferred. This view, which is advocated by Wittgenstein in his Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, has much in its favour, from the standpoint of a strict logic; but it puts an end to physics, and therefore to the problem with which this work is concerned. I shall accordingly assume that scientific inference, conducted with due care, may be valid, provided it is recognized as giving only probability, not certainty. Given this assumption, I see no possible ground for rejecting an inference to absolute space and time, if the facts seem to call for it. It may be admitted that it is better, if possible, to avoid inferring anything very different from what we know to exist. Such a principle will have to be based on grounds of probability. It may be said that all inferences to something unobserved are only probable, and that their probability depends, in part, upon the a priori probability[Pg 17] of the hypothesis; this may be supposed greater when we infer something similar to what we know than when we infer something dissimilar. But it seems questionable whether there is much force in this argument. Everything that we perceive directly is subject to certain conditions, more especially physiological conditions; it would seem a priori probable that where these conditions are absent things would be different from anything that we can experience. If we suppose as we well may—that what we experience has certain characteristics connected with our experiencing, there can be no a priori objection to the hypothesis that some of the things we do not experience are lacking in some characteristics which are universal in our experience. The inference to absolute space and time must, therefore, be treated as on a level with any other inductive inference.
The second argument against absolute space and time—namely, that they are unnecessary hypotheses—has turned out to be valid; but it is only in quite recent times that Newton's argument to the contrary has been refuted. The argument, as everyone knows, was concerned with absolute rotation. It is urged that, for "absolute rotation," we may substitute "rotation relatively to the fixed stars." This is formally correct, but the influence attributed to the fixed stars savours of astrology, and is scientifically incredible. Apart from this special argument, the whole of the Newtonian technique is based upon the assumption that there is such a quantity as absolute acceleration; without this, the system collapses. That is one reason why the law of gravitation cannot enter unchanged into the general theory of relativity. There are, of course, two distinct elements in the theory of relativity: one of them the merging of space and time into space-time—is wholly new, while the other—the substitution of relative for absolute motion—has been attempted ever since the time of Leibniz. But this older problem could not be solved by[Pg 18] itself, because of the necessity for absolute acceleration in Newtonian dynamics. Only the method of tensors, and the new law of gravitation obtained in accordance with this method, have made it possible to answer Newton's arguments for absolute space and time. While, therefore, the contention that these are unnecessary would always have been a valid ground for rejecting them if it had been known to be true, it is only now that we can be confident of its correctness, since it is only now that we possess a mathematical technique which is in accordance with it.
Somewhat similar considerations apply to action at a distance, which was also considered incredible by Newton's critics, from Leibniz onwards, and even by Newton himself. There is one theory, which may well be true, according to which action at a distance is self-contradictory: this is the theory which derives spatio-temporal separation from causal separation. I shall say no more about this possibility at present, since it was not suggested by any of the opponents of action at a distance, all of whom considered spatial and temporal relations totally distinct from causal relations. From their point of view, therefore, the objection to action at a distance seems to have been little more than a prejudice. The source of the prejudice was, I think, twofold: first, that the notion of "force," which was the dynamical form of "cause," was derived from the sensations of pushing and pulling; secondly, that people falsely supposed themselves in contact with things when they pushed and pulled them, or were pushed and pulled by them. I do not mean that such crude notions would have been explicitly defended, but that they dominated the imaginative picture of the physical world, and made Newtonian dynamics seem what is absurdly called "intelligible." Apart from such mistakes, it should have been regarded as a purely empirical question whether there is action at a distance or not. It was in fact so regarded throughout the latter half or three-quarters[Pg 19] of the eighteenth century, and it was generally held that the empirical arguments in favour of action at a distance were overwhelming.
Not wholly unconnected with the question of action at a distance was the question of the rôle of "force" in dynamics. In