Project Gutenberg #6762
Politics: A Treatise on Government
Aristotle
350 BCEAristotle's treatise on constitutions and civic life, prepared introduction plus book-and-chapter sections from Project Gutenberg plaintext.
Project Gutenberg #6762 Public domain in the United States Cover source Local typographic cover created for MojiMori from public-domain source metadata
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AI Summary
Chapter 32 — Book III, Chapter VI Central question How many forms of government are there? Main argument The chapter begins the classification of constitutions. Aristotle wants to know whether a city should have...
Having established these points, we proceed next to consider whether one
form of government only should be established, or more than one; and if
more, how many, and of what sort, and what are the differences between
them. The form of government is the ordering and regulating of the city,
and all the offices in it, particularly those wherein the supreme power
is lodged; and this power is always possessed by the administration; but
the administration itself is that particular form of government which
is established in any state: thus in a democracy the supreme power is
lodged in the whole people; on the contrary, in an oligarchy it is in
the hands of a few. We say then, that the form of government in these
states is different, and we shall find the same thing hold good in
others. Let us first determine for whose sake a city is established;
and point out the different species of rule which man may submit to in
social life.
I have already mentioned in my treatise on the management of a family,
and the power of the master, that man is an animal naturally formed
for society, and that therefore, when he does not want any foreign
assistance, he will of his own accord desire to live with others; not
but that mutual advantage induces them to it, as far as it enables each
person to live more agreeably; and this is indeed the great object
not only to all in general, but also to each individual: but it is not
merely matter of choice, but they join in society also, even that they
may be able to live, which probably is not without some share of merit,
and they also support civil society, even for the sake of preserving
life, without they are grievously overwhelmed with the miseries of it:
for it is very evident that men will endure many calamities for the sake
of living, as being something naturally sweet and desirable. It is easy
to point out the different modes of government, and we have already
settled them in our exoteric discourses. The power of the master, though
by nature equally serviceable, both to the master and to the slave, yet
nevertheless has for its object the benefit of the master, while the
benefit of the slave arises accidentally; for if the slave is destroyed,
the power of the master is at an end: but the authority which a man
has over his wife, and children, and his family, which we call domestic
government, is either for the benefit of those who are under subjection,
or else for the common benefit of the whole: but its particular object
is the benefit of the governed, as we see in other arts; in physic, for
instance, and the gymnastic exercises, wherein, if any benefit [1279a]
arise to the master, it is accidental; for nothing forbids the master of
the exercises from sometimes being himself one of those who exercises,
as the steersman is always one of the sailors; but both the master of
the exercises and the steersman consider the good of those who are under
their government. Whatever good may happen to the steersman when he is
a sailor, or to the master of the exercises when he himself makes one at
the games, is not intentional, or the object of their power; thus in all
political governments which are established to preserve and defend the
equality of the citizens it is held right to rule by turns. Formerly, as
was natural, every one expected that each of his fellow-citizens should
in his turn serve the public, and thus administer to his private good,
as he himself when in office had done for others; but now every one is
desirous of being continually in power, that he may enjoy the advantage
which he makes of public business and being in office; as if places were
a never-failing remedy for every complaint, and were on that account so
eagerly sought after.
It is evident, then, that all those governments which have a common good
in view are rightly established and strictly just, but those who have
in view only the good of the rulers are all founded on wrong principles,
and are widely different from what a government ought to be, for they
are tyranny over slaves, whereas a city is a community of freemen.