Project Gutenberg #6762
Politics: A Treatise on Government
Aristotle
350 BCEAristotle's treatise on constitutions and civic life, prepared introduction plus book-and-chapter sections from Project Gutenberg plaintext.
Project Gutenberg #6762 Public domain in the United States Cover source Local typographic cover created for MojiMori from public-domain source metadata
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AI Summary
Chapter 68 — Book V, Chapter VIII Central question What preserves governments? Main argument Aristotle turns from breakdown to maintenance. He argues that regimes survive when institutions are arranged to sustain...
We are now to consider upon what the preservation of governments in
general and of each state in particular depends; and, in the first
place, it is evident that if we are right in the causes we have assigned
for their destruction, we know also the means of their preservation; for
things contrary produce contraries: but destruction and preservation are
contrary to each other. In well-tempered governments it requires as much
care as anything whatsoever, that nothing be done contrary to law: and
this ought chiefly to be attended to in matters of small consequence;
for an illegality that approaches insensibly, approaches secretly, as in
a family small expenses continually repeated consume a man's income;
for the understanding is deceived thereby, as by this false argument; if
every part is little, then the whole is little: now, this in one sense
is true, in another is false, for the whole and all the parts together
are large, though made up of small parts. The first therefore of
anything is what the state ought to guard against. In the next place,
no credit ought to be given to those who endeavour to deceive the people
with false pretences; for they will be [1308a] confuted by facts. The
different ways in which they will attempt to do this have been already
mentioned. You may often perceive both aristocracies and oligarchies
continuing firm, not from the stability of their forms of government,
but from the wise conduct of the magistrates, both towards those who
have a part in the management of public affairs, and those also who
have not: towards those who have not, by never injuring them; and also
introducing those who are of most consequence amongst them into office;
nor disgracing those who are desirous of honour; or encroaching on the
property of individuals; towards those who have, by behaving to each
other upon an equality; for that equality which the favourers of a
democracy desire to have established in the state is not only just,
but convenient also, amongst those who are of the same rank: for which
reason, if the administration is in the hands of many, those rules which
are established in democracies will be very useful; as to let no one
continue in office longer than six months: that all those who are of
the same rank may have their turn; for between these there is a sort
of democracy: for which reason demagogues are most likely to arise up
amongst them, as we have already mentioned: besides, by this means both
aristocracies and democracies will be the less liable to be corrupted
into dynasties, because it will not be so easy for those who are
magistrates for a little to do as much mischief as they could in a
long time: for it is from hence that tyrannies arise in democracies
and oligarchies; for either those who are most powerful in each state
establish a tyranny, as the demagogues in the one, the dynasties in the
other, or the chief magistrates who have been long in power. Governments
are sometimes preserved not only by having the means of their corruption
at a great distance, but also by its being very near them; for those who
are alarmed at some impending evil keep a stricter hand over the state;
for which reason it is necessary for those who have the guardianship of
the constitution to be able to awaken the fears of the people, that they
may preserve it, and not like a night-guard to be remiss in protecting
the state, but to make the distant danger appear at hand. Great care
ought also to be used to endeavour to restrain the quarrels and disputes
of the nobles by laws, as well as to prevent those who are not already
engaged in them from taking a part therein; for to perceive an evil
at its very first approach is not the lot of every one, but of the
politician. To prevent any alteration taking place in an oligarchy or
free state on account of the census, if that happens to continue the
same while the quantity of money is increased, it will be useful to take
a general account of the whole amount of it in former times, to compare
it with the present, and to do this every year in those cities where the
census is yearly, [1308b] in larger communities once in three or five
years; and if the whole should be found much larger or much less than it
was at the time when the census was first established in the state,
let there be a law either to extend or contract it, doing both these
according to its increase or decrease; if it increases making the census
larger, if it decreases smaller: and if this latter is not done in
oligarchies and free states, you will have a dynasty arise in the one,
an oligarchy in the other: if the former is not, free states will
be changed into democracies, and oligarchies into free states or
democracies. It is a general maxim in democracies, oligarchies,
monarchies, and indeed in all governments, not to let any one acquire a
rank far superior to the rest of the community, but rather to endeavour
to confer moderate honours for a continuance than great ones for a short
time; for these latter spoil men, for it is not every one who can bear
prosperity: but if this rule is not observed, let not those honours
which were conferred all at once be all at once taken away, but rather
by degrees. But, above all things, let this regulation be made by the
law, that no one shall have too much power, either by means of his
fortune or friends; but if he has, for his excess therein, let it be
contrived that he shall quit the country. Now, as many persons promote
innovations, that they may enjoy their own particular manner of living,
there ought to be a particular officer to inspect the manners of every
one, and see that these are not contrary to the genius of the state
in which he lives, whether it may be an oligarchy, a democracy, or any
other form of government; and, for the same reason, those should be
guarded against who are most prosperous in the city: the means of doing
which is by appointing those who are otherwise to the business and the
offices of the state. I mean, to oppose men of account to the common
people, the poor to the rich, and to blend both these into one body, and
to increase the numbers of those who are in the middle rank; and
this will prevent those seditions which arise from an inequality of
condition. But above all, in every state it is necessary, both by the
laws and every other method possible, to prevent those who are employed
by the public from being venal, and this particularly in an oligarchy;
for then the people will not be so much displeased from seeing
themselves excluded from a share in the government (nay, they will
rather be glad to have leisure to attend their private affairs) as at
suspecting that the officers of the state steal the public money, then
indeed they are afflicted with double concern, both because they are
deprived of the honours of the state, and pillaged by those who enjoy
them. There is one method of blending together a democracy and an
aristocracy, [1309a] if office brought no profit; by which means both
the rich and the poor will enjoy what they desire; for to admit all to
a share in the government is democratical; that the rich should be
in office is aristocratical. This must be done by letting no public
employment whatsoever be attended with any emolument; for the poor will
not desire to be in office when they can get nothing by it, but had
rather attend to their own affairs: but the rich will choose it, as
they want nothing of the community. Thus the poor will increase their
fortunes by being wholly employed in their own concerns; and the
principal part of the people will not be governed by the lower sort.
To prevent the exchequer from being defrauded, let all public money be
delivered out openly in the face of the whole city, and let copies of
the accounts be deposited in the different wards tribes, and divisions.
But, as the magistrates are to execute their offices without any
advantages, the law ought to provide proper honours for those who
execute them well. In democracies also it is necessary that the rich
should be protected, by not permitting their lands to be divided, nor
even the produce of them, which in some states is done unperceivably. It
would be also better if the people would prevent them when they offer to
exhibit a number of unnecessary and yet expensive public entertainments
of plays, music, processions, and the like. In an oligarchy it is
necessary to take great care of the poor, and allot them public
employments which are gainful; and, if any of the rich insult them, to
let their punishment be severer than if they insulted one of their own
rank; and to let estates pass by affinity, and not gift: nor to permit
any person to have more than one; for by this means property will be
more equally divided, and the greater part of the poor get into better
circumstances. It is also serviceable in a democracy and an oligarchy
to allot those who take no part in public affairs an equality or a
preference in other things; the rich in a democracy, to the poor in an
oligarchy: but still all the principal offices in the state to be filled
only by those who are best qualified to discharge them.