Project Gutenberg #6762
Politics: A Treatise on Government
Aristotle
350 BCEAristotle's treatise on constitutions and civic life, prepared introduction plus book-and-chapter sections from Project Gutenberg plaintext.
Project Gutenberg #6762 Public domain in the United States Cover source Local typographic cover created for MojiMori from public-domain source metadata
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AI Summary
Chapter 82 — Book VII, Chapter II Central question Is the happiness of the individual and the city the same? Main argument Aristotle rejects the idea that happiness comes from wealth or authority alone and argues...
It now remains for us to say whether the happiness of any individual
man and the city is the same or different: but this also is evident; for
whosoever supposes that riches will make a person happy, must place the
happiness of the city in riches if it possesses them; those who prefer a
life which enjoys a tyrannic power over others will also think, that the
city which has many others under its command is most happy: thus also
if any one approves a man for his virtue, he will think the most worthy
city the happiest: but here there are two particulars which require
consideration, one of which is, whether it is the most eligible life
to be a member of the community and enjoy the rights of a citizen, or
whether to live as a stranger, without interfering in public affairs;
and also what form of government is to be preferred, and what
disposition of the state is best; whether the whole community should be
eligible to a share in the administration, or only the greater part, and
some only: as this, therefore, is a subject of political examination
and speculation, and not what concerns the individual, and the first of
these is what we are at present engaged in, the one of these I am not
obliged to speak to, the other is the proper business of my present
design. It is evident that government must be the best which is so
established, that every one therein may have it in his power to act
virtuously and live happily: but some, who admit that a life of virtue
is most eligible, still doubt which is preferable a public life of
active virtue, or one entirely disengaged from what is without and
spent in contemplation; which some say is the only one worthy of a
philosopher; and one of these two different modes of life both now
and formerly seem to have been chosen by all those who were the most
virtuous men; I mean the public or philosophic. And yet it is of no
little consequence on which side the truth lies; for a man of sense
must naturally incline to the better choice; both as an individual and a
citizen. Some think that a tyrannic government over those near us is
the greatest injustice; but that a political one is not unjust: but that
still is a restraint on the pleasures and tranquillity of life. Others
hold the quite contrary opinion, and think that a public and active life
is the only life for man: for that private persons have no opportunity
of practising any one virtue, more than they have who are engaged
in public life the management of the [1324b] state. These are their
sentiments; others say, that a tyrannical and despotical mode of
government is the only happy one; for even amongst some free states the
object of their laws seems to be to tyrannise over their neighbours: so
that the generality of political institutions, wheresoever dispersed,
if they have any one common object in view, have all of them this,
to conquer and govern. It is evident, both from the laws of the
Lacedaemonians and Cretans, as well as by the manner in which they
educated their children, that all which they had in view was to make
them soldiers: besides, among all nations, those who have power enough
and reduce others to servitude are honoured on that account; as were the
Scythians, Persians, Thracians, and Gauls: with some there are laws to
heighten the virtue of courage; thus they tell us that at Carthage they
allowed every person to wear as many rings for distinction as he had
served campaigns. There was also a law in Macedonia, that a man who had
not himself killed an enemy should be obliged to wear a halter; among
the Scythians, at a festival, none were permitted to drink out of
the cup was carried about who had not done the same thing. Among the
Iberians, a warlike nation, they fixed as many columns upon a man's tomb
as he had slain enemies: and among different nations different things
of this sort prevail, some of them established by law, others by custom.
Probably it may seem too absurd to those who are willing to take this
subject into their consideration to inquire whether it is the business
of a legislator to be able to point out by what means a state may govern
and tyrannise over its neighbours, whether they will, or will not: for
how can that belong either to the politician or legislator which is
unlawful? for that cannot be lawful which is done not only justly, but
unjustly also: for a conquest may be unjustly made. But we see nothing
of this in the arts: for it is the business neither of the physician nor
the pilot to use either persuasion or force, the one to his patients,
the other to his passengers: and yet many seem to think a despotic
government is a political one, and what they would not allow to be just
or proper, if exercised over themselves, they will not blush to exercise
over others; for they endeavour to be wisely governed themselves, but
think it of no consequence whether others are so or not: but a despotic
power is absurd, except only where nature has framed the one party for
dominion, the other for subordination; and therefore no one ought to
assume it over all in general, but those only which are the proper
objects thereof: thus no one should hunt men either for food or
sacrifice, but what is fit for those purposes, and these are wild
animals which are eatable.
Now a city which is well governed might be very [1325a] happy in itself
while it enjoyed a good system of laws, although it should happen to be
so situated as to have no connection with any other state, though its
constitution should not be framed for war or conquest; for it would then
have no occasion for these. It is evident therefore that the business of
war is to be considered as commendable, not as a final end, but as the
means of procuring it. It is the duty of a good legislator to examine
carefully into his state; and the nature of the people, and how they may
partake of every intercourse, of a good life, and of the happiness which
results from it: and in this respect some laws and customs differ from
others. It is also the duty of a legislator, if he has any neighbouring
states to consider in what manner he shall oppose each of them, or what
good offices he shall show them. But what should be the final end of the
best governments will be considered hereafter.