Project Gutenberg #6762
Politics: A Treatise on Government
Aristotle
350 BCEAristotle's treatise on constitutions and civic life, prepared introduction plus book-and-chapter sections from Project Gutenberg plaintext.
Project Gutenberg #6762 Public domain in the United States Cover source Local typographic cover created for MojiMori from public-domain source metadata
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AI Summary
Chapter 21 — Book II, Chapter VII Central question What other proposed constitutions deserve scrutiny? Main argument Aristotle broadens the comparison beyond Plato to other theorists and politicians. The chapter...
There are also some other forms of government, which have been proposed
either by private persons, or philosophers, or politicians, all of which
come much nearer to those which have been really established, or now
exist, than these two of Plato's; for neither have they introduced the
innovation of a community of wives and children, and public tables for
the women, but have been contented to set out with establishing such
rules as are absolutely necessary.
There are some persons who think, that the first object of government
should be to regulate well everything relating to private property;
for they say, that a neglect herein is the source of all seditions
whatsoever. For this reason, Phaleas the Chalcedonian first proposed,
that the fortunes of the citizens should be equal, which he thought was
not difficult to accomplish when a community was first settled, but
that it was a work of greater difficulty in one that had been long
established; but yet that it might be effected, and an equality of
circumstances introduced by these means, that the rich should give
marriage portions, but never receive any, while the poor should always
receive, but never give.
But Plato, in his treatise of Laws, thinks that a difference in
circumstances should be permitted to a certain degree; but that no
citizen should be allowed to possess more than five times as much as the
lowest census, as we have already mentioned. But legislators who
would establish this principle are apt to overlook what they ought to
consider; that while they regulate the quantity of provisions which each
individual shall possess, they ought also to regulate the number of his
children; for if these exceed the allotted quantity of provision, the
law must necessarily be repealed; and yet, in spite of the repeal, it
will have the bad effect of reducing many from wealth to poverty, so
difficult is it for innovators not to fall into such mistakes. That an
equality of goods was in some degree serviceable to strengthen the bands
of society, seems to have been known to some of the ancients; for Solon
made a law, as did some others also, to restrain persons from possessing
as much land as they pleased. And upon the same principle there are laws
which forbid men to sell their property, as among the Locrians, unless
they can prove that some notorious misfortune has befallen them. They
were also to preserve their ancient patrimony, which custom being broken
through by the Leucadians, made their government too democratic; for
by that means it was no longer necessary to be possessed of a certain
fortune to be qualified to be a magistrate. But if an equality of goods
is established, this may be either too much, when it enables the people
to live luxuriously, or too little, when it obliges them to live
hard. Hence it is evident, that it is not proper for the legislator
to establish an equality of circumstances, but to fix a proper medium.
Besides, if any one should regulate the division of property in such a
manner that there should be a moderate sufficiency for all, it would
be of no use; for it is of more consequence that the citizen should
entertain a similarity of sentiments than an equality of circumstances;
but this can never be attained unless they are properly educated under
the direction of the law. But probably Phaleas may say, that this in
what he himself mentions; for he both proposes a equality of property
and one plan of education in his city. But he should have said
particularly what education he intended, nor is it of any service to
have this to much one; for this education may be one, and yet such as
will make the citizens over-greedy, to grasp after honours, or riches,
or both. Besides, not only an inequality of possessions, but also
of honours, will occasion [1267a] seditions, but this upon contrary
grounds; for the vulgar will be seditious if there be an inequality of
goods, by those of more elevated sentiments, if there is an equality of
honours.
"When good and bad do equal honours share."
For men are not guilty of crimes for necessaries only (for which he
thinks an equality of goods would be a sufficient remedy, as they would
then have no occasion to steal cold or hunger), but that they may enjoy
what they desire, and not wish for it in vain; for if their desire extend
beyond the common necessaries of life, they were be wicked to gratify
them; and not only so, but if their wishes point that way, they will do
the same to enjoy those pleasures which are free from the alloy of pain.
What remedy then shall we find for these three disorders? And first,
to prevent stealing from necessity, let every one be supplied with a
moderate subsistence, which may make the addition of his own industry
necessary; second to prevent stealing to procure the luxuries of life,
temperance be enjoined; and thirdly, let those who wish for pleasure in
itself seek for it only in philosophy, all others want the assistance of
men.
Since then men are guilty of the greatest crimes from ambition, and not
from necessity, no one, for instance aims at being a tyrant to keep him
from the cold, hence great honour is due to him who kills not a thief,
but tyrant; so that polity which Phaleas establishes would only be
salutary to prevent little crimes. He has also been very desirous to
establish such rules as will conduce to perfect the internal policy of
his state, and he ought also to have done the same with respect to
its neighbours and all foreign nations; for the considerations of the
military establishment should take place in planning every government,
that it may not be unprovided in case of a war, of which he has said
nothing; so also with respect to property, it ought not only to be
adapted to the exigencies of the state, but also to such dangers as may
arise from without.
Thus it should not be so much as to tempt those who are near, and more
powerful to invade it, while those who possess it are not able to drive
out the invaders, nor so little as that the state should not be able to
go to war with those who are quite equal to itself, and of this he has
determined nothing; it must indeed be allowed that it is advantageous to
a community to be rather rich than poor; probably the proper boundary is
this, not to possess enough to make it worth while for a more powerful
neighbour to attack you, any more than he would those who had not so
much as yourself; thus when Autophradatus proposed to besiege Atarneus,
Eubulus advised him to consider what time it would require to take the
city, and then would have him determine whether it would answer, for
that he should choose, if it would even take less than he proposed,
to quit the place; his saying this made Autophradatus reflect upon the
business and give over the siege. There is, indeed, some advantage in an
equality of goods amongst the citizens to prevent seditions; and yet,
to say truth, no very great one; for men of great abilities will stomach
their being put upon a level with the rest of the community. For
which reason they will very often appear ready for every commotion and
sedition; for the wickedness of mankind is insatiable. For though
at first two oboli might be sufficient, yet when once it is become
customary, they continually want something more, until they set no
limits to their expectations; for it is the nature of our desires to be
boundless, and many live only to gratify them. But for this purpose the
first object is, not so much to establish an equality of fortune, as
to prevent those who are of a good disposition from desiring more than
their own, and those who are of a bad one from being able to acquire it;
and this may be done if they are kept in an inferior station, and not
exposed to injustice. Nor has he treated well the equality of goods, for
he has extended his regulation only to land; whereas a man's substance
consists not only in this, but also in slaves, cattle, money, and all
that variety of things which fall under the name of chattels; now there
must be either an equality established in all these, or some certain
rule, or they must be left entirely at large. It appears too by his
laws, that he intends to establish only a small state, as all the
artificers are to belong to the public, and add nothing to the
complement of citizens; but if all those who are to be employed in
public works are to be the slaves of the public, it should be done
in the same manner as it is at Epidamnum, and as Diophantus formerly
regulated it at Athens. From these particulars any one may nearly judge
whether Phaleas's community is well or ill established.