Passages from the Life of a Philosopher

The late Lord Lyndhurst candidate for the University of Cambridge — The Phi­los­o­pher refuses to vote for him — The reason why — Example of unrivalled virtue — In 1829 Mr. Cavendish was a Candidate for that University — The Author was Chairman of his London Committee — Motives for putting men on Committees — Of the pairing Sub-Committee — Motives for Voting — Means of influencing Voters — Voters brought from Berlin and from India — Elections after the Reform Bill, 1832 — The Author again requested to be Chairman of Mr. Cavendish’s Committee — Reserves three days in case of a Contest for Bridgenorth — It occurs, but is arranged — Bridgenorth being secure, the Author gets up a Contest for Shropshire — Patriotic Fund sends 500 l. to assist the Contest — It lasts three days — Reflections on Squibs — Borough of Finsbury — Adventure in an Omnibus — A judicious Loan — Subsequent invitation to stand for Stroud — Declined — Reflections on improper influence on Voters. WHEN the late Lord Lyndhurst was a candidate for the rep­re­sen­ta­tion of the University of Cambridge, I met Mr. ——, a Whig in politics, and a great friend of Dr. Wollaston. After the usual salutation, he said, “I hope you will go down to Cambridge and vote for our friend Copley.” I made no answer, but, looking full in his face, waited for some explanation. “Oh,” said Mr. ——, “I see what you mean. You think him a Tory; Copley still is what he always has been—a republican.” I replied that I was equally unable to vote for him upon that ground, and wished my friend good morning. {260} A few evenings after I met the beautiful Lady Copley, who also canvassed me for my vote for her husband. I had the energy to resist even this temptation, which I should not have ventured to mention did not the poll-book enable me to refer to it as a witness of my unrivalled virtue. 〈CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY ELECTION.〉 Some years after, in 1829, a vacancy again arose in the rep­re­sen­ta­tion of the University of Cambridge. Mr. Cavendish having recently waived the privilege of his rank, which entitled him, after a residence of two years, to take the degree of Master of Arts, had entered into competition with the whole of the young men of his own standing, and had obtained the distinguished position of second wrangler and senior Smith’s prize man. Under such circumstances, it was quite natural that all those who felt it important that the accidental aristocracy of birth should be able to maintain its position by the higher claim of superior knowledge; as well as all those who took a just pride in their Alma Mater, should wish to send such a man as their rep­re­sen­ta­tive to the House of Commons. A very large meeting of the electors was held in London, over which the Earl of Euston presided. It was unanimously resolved to nominate Mr. Cavendish as a proper person to represent the University of Cambridge in the House of Commons. A committee was appointed to carry on the election, of which I was nominated chairman. Similar proceedings took place at Cambridge. The family of the young but distinguished candidate were not at first very willing to enter upon the contest. As it advanced, the committee-room became daily more and more frequented. Ultimately, in the midst of the London season, and during the sitting of the House of Commons, this single election excited an intense interest amongst men of all parties, whilst those who {261} supported Mr. Cavendish upon higher grounds were not less active than the most energetic of his political supporters. 〈MOTIVES FOR BEING ON A COMMITTEE.〉 At all elections some few men, perhaps from four or five up to ten or twelve, do all the difficult and real work of the committee. The committee itself is, for several reasons, generally very numerous. All who are supposed to have weight are, of course, put upon it. Many who wish to appear to have weight get their names upon it. Some get put upon it thinking to establish a political claim upon the party. Others because they like to see their names in the newspapers. Others again, who, if not on his committee, would vote against the candidate. There are also idlers and busybodies, who go there to talk or to carry away something to talk about, which may give them importance in their own circle. Young lawyers, of both departments of the profession, are very numerous, possessing acute perceptions of pro­fes­sion­al advantage. A jester and a good story-teller are very useful; but a jolly and enterprising professor of rhodomontade is on some occasions invaluable—more especially if he is not an Irishman. Oc­ca­sion­al­ly a few simply honest men are found upon committees. These are useful as adjuncts to give a kind of high moral character to the cause; but the rest of the committee generally think them bores, and when they differ upon any point from the worldly members, it is invariably whispered that they are crotchety fellows. {262} When any peculiarly delicate question arises, it is sometimes important to eliminate one or more of them temporarily from the real committee of management. This is accomplished (as in graver matters) by sending him on an embassy, usually to one of the adepts, with a confidential mission on a subject represented to him as of great importance. The adept respectfully asks for his view of the subject, rather opposes it, but not too strongly; is at last convinced, and ultimately entirely adopts it. The adept then enters upon the honest simpleton’s crotchet, trots it out in the most indulgent manner, and at length sends him back, having done the double service of withdrawing him from a consultation at which he might have impeded the good cause, and also of enabling him at any future time to declare truly, if necessary, that he never was present at any meeting at which even a questionable course had been proposed. 〈OF THE PAIRING COMMITTEE.〉 One of the most difficult as well as of the most important departments of some elections is the pairing sub-committee. When I had myself to arrange it, I generally picked out two of the cleverest and most quick-witted of the committee. I told them I had perfect confidence in their judgment and discretion, and therefore constituted them a sub-committee, with absolute power on all questions of pairing. I also entirely forbade any appeal to myself. I then advised them to have attached to them a couple of good and entertaining talkers, to hold in play the applicants while they retired to ascertain the policy of the proposed pair. Upon one occasion, when both my persuasive gentlemen were absent, I was obliged to officiate myself. I soon discovered that the adverse vote was very lukewarm in his own cause, and was also very averse to the prospect of missing a great cricket-match if he went to the poll. Whilst my {263} pairing committee were making the necessary inquiries, I was so fortunate as to secure the promise of his vote for my own candidate at the succeeding election. In the meantime the pairing committee had kindly taken measures to save him from missing his cricket-match without, however, wasting a pair. 〈PRIMITIVE PURITY—IT WON’T DO.〉 Yet not­with­stand­ing all my efforts to introduce primitive virtue into electioneering, I did not always succeed. About a dozen years had elapsed after one of the elections I had managed, when the subject was mentioned at a large dinner-table. A supporter of the adverse political party, referring to the contest, stated as a merit in his friends that they had succeeded in outwitting their opponents, for on one occasion they had got a man on their side who had unluckily just broken his arm, whom they succeeded in pairing off against a sound man of their adversaries. Remembering my able coadjutors in that contest, I had little doubt that a good explanation existed; so the next time I met one of them I mentioned the circumstance. He at once admitted the fact, and said, “We knew perfectly well that the man’s arm was broken; but our man, whom we paired off against him, had no vote.” He then added, “We were afraid to tell you of our success.” To which I replied, “You acted with great discretion.” University elections are of quite a different class from all others. The nature of the influences to be brought to bear upon the voters is of a peculiar kind: the clerical element is large, and they are for the greater part expectant of something better hereafter. 〈MATERIALS FOR CANVASSING.〉 The first thing to be done in any election contest is to get as exact a list as possible of the names and addresses of the voters. In a university contest the chairman should adopt {264} certain letters or other signs to be used in his own private copy attached to the names of the clerical voters. These should indicate— The books such voter may have written. The nature of his preferment. The source whence derived. The nature of his expectations. The source whence expected. The age of the impediment. The state of its health. The chance of its promotion. Possessed of a full knowledge of all these circumstances, a paragraph in a newspaper regretting the alarming state of health of some eminent divine will frequently decide the oscillation even of a cautious voter. This dodge is the more easily practised because some eminent divines, on the approach of an university election, oc­ca­sion­al­ly become ill, and even take to their bed, in order to avoid the bore of being canvassed, or of committing themselves until they see “how the land lies.” The motives which induce men to act upon election committees are various. The hope of advancement is a powerful motive. It was stated to me by some of my committee, that every really working member of the committee which a few years before had managed the election of Copley for the University of Cambridge had already been rewarded by place or advancement. My two most active lieutenants in the two contests for Cambridge, to which I have referred, were not neglected. One of them shortly after became a Master in Chancery, and the other had a place in India, producing £10,000 a year. {265} The highest compliment, however, that party can pay to those who thus assist them is entirely to ignore their service, and pass them over on every occasion. This may be done with impunity to the very few who have such strong convictions that no amount of neglect or ill-usage can cause them to desert those principles of the soundness of which their reason is convinced. This course has also the great advantage of economizing patronage. Always ascertain who are the personal enemies of the opposing candidate. If skilfully managed, you may safely depend upon their becoming the warmest friends of your own. Their enthusiasm can be easily stimulated: their zeal in the cause may shame some of your own lukewarm friends into greater earnestness. Men will always give themselves tenfold more trouble to crush a man obnoxious to their hatred than they will take to serve their most favoured ally. When I have been chairman of an election committee I have found it advantageous to commence my duties early in the morning, and to remain until late at night. There is always something to be done for the advancement of the cause. In the first Cambridge election in which I took part I invariably remained at my post until midnight; and in the second, I was seldom absent at that hour. 〈GOT A VOTER FROM BERLIN.〉 One evening, being alone, I employed myself in looking through our lists to find the names of all voters at that period unaccounted for. The first name which attracted my attention was that of a liberal with whom I was