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Section 17 of 27
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Page 2 of 2
CHAPTER XVII IMAGES
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remember Brooklyn
Bridge .
But remembering is often held to involve ,
as an essential element ,
the occurrence of an image which is regarded as referring to a prototype .
Unless you can remember without images ,
it is difficult to see how you can be sure that images resemble prototypes .
I think that in fact you cannot be sure ,
unless you can find some indirect means of comparison .
You might ,
for example ,
have photographs of Brooklyn
Bridge taken from a given place on two different days ,
and find them indistinguishable ,
showing that Brooklyn
Bridge has not changed in the interval .
You might see Brooklyn
Bridge on the first of these days ,
remember it on the second ,
and immediately afterwards look at it .
In looking at it ,
you might find every detail coming to you with a feeling of expectedness ,
or you might find some details coming with a feeling of surprise .
In this case you would say that your image had been wrong as regards the details which were surprising .
Or ,
again ,
you might make a picture of Brooklyn
Bridge on paper ,
from memory ,
and then compare it with the original or a photograph .
Or you might content yourself by writing down a description of it in words ,
and verifying its accuracy by direct observation .
Innumerable methods of this kind can be devised by which you can test the likeness of an image to its prototype .
The result is that there is often a great likeness ,
though seldom complete accuracy .
The belief in the likeness of an image to its prototype is ,
of course ,
not generated in this way ,
but only tested .
The belief exists prior to evidence as to its correctness ,
like most of our beliefs .
I shall have more to say on this subject in the next chapter ,
which will be concerned with memory .
But I think enough has been said to show that it is not unreasonable to regard images as having a greater or less degree of resemblance to their prototypes .
To claim more is hardly justifiable .
We can now reach a definite conclusion about perception ,
sensation ,
and images .
Let us imagine a number of people placed ,
as far as possible ,
in the same environment ;
we will suppose that they sit successively in a certain chair in a dark room ,
in full view of illuminated pictures of two eminent politicians of opposite parties whose names are written underneath them .
We will suppose that all of them have normal eyesight .
Their reactions will be partly similar ,
partly different .
If any of these observers are babies too young to have learnt to focus ,
they will not see sharp outlines ,
but a mere blurr ,
not from an optical defect ,
but from a lack of cerebral control over muscles .
In this respect ,
experience has an effect even upon what must count as pure sensation .
But this difference is really analogous to the difference between having one’s eyes open and having them shut ;
the difference is in the sense-organ ,
although it may be due to a difference in the brain .
We will therefore assume that all the spectators know how to adjust the eyes so as to see as well as possible ,
and all try to see .
We shall then say that ,
if the spectators differ as widely as is possible for normal human beings ,
what is common to the reactions of all of them is sensation ,
provided it is connected with the sense of sight ,
or ,
more correctly ,
provided it has that quality which we observe to be common and peculiar to visual objects .
But probably all of them ,
if they are over three months old ,
will have tactile images while they see the pictures .
And if they are more than about a year old ,
they will interpret them as pictures ,
which represent three-dimensional objects ;
before that age ,
they may see them as coloured patterns ,
not as representations of faces .
Most animals ,
though not all ,
are incapable of interpreting pictures as representations .
But in an adult human being this interpretation is not deliberate ;
it has become automatic .
It is ,
I think ,
mainly a question of tactile images :
the images you have in looking at a picture are not those appropriate to a smooth flat surface ,
but those appropriate to the object represented .
If the object represented is a large one ,
there will also be images of movement —
walking round the object ,
or climbing up it ,
or what not .
All these are obviously a product of experience ,
and therefore do not count as part of the sensation .
This influence of experience is still more obvious when it comes to reading the names of the politicians ,
considering whether they are good likenesses ,
and feeling what a fine fellow one of them looks and what unmitigated villainy is stamped upon the features of the other .
None of this counts as sensation ,
yet it is part of a man’s spontaneous reaction to an outside stimulus .
It is evidently difficult to avoid a certain artificiality in distinguishing between the effects of experience and the rest in a man’s reaction to a stimulus .
Perhaps we could tackle the matter in a slightly different way .
We can distinguish stimuli of different sorts :
to the eye ,
the ear ,
the nose ,
the palate ,
etc .
We can also distinguish elements of different sorts in the reaction :
visual elements ,
auditory elements ,
etc .
The latter are defined ,
not by the stimulus ,
but by their intrinsic quality .
A visual sensation and a visual image have a common quality which neither shares with an auditory sensation or an auditory image .
We may then say :
a visual image is an occurrence having the visual quality but not due to a stimulus to the eye ,
i .
e .
not having as a direct causal antecedent the incidence of light-waves upon the retina .
Similarly an auditory image will be an occurrence having the auditory quality but not due to sound-waves
reaching the ear ,
and so on for the other senses .
This means a complete abandonment of the attempt to distinguish psychologically between sensations and images ;
the distinction becomes solely one as to physical antecedents .
It is true that we can and do arrive at the distinction without scientific physics ,
because we find that certain elements in our integral reactions have the correlations that make us regard them as corresponding to something external while others do not —
correlations both with the experience of others and with our own past and future experiences .
But when we refine upon this common-sense distinction and try to make it precise ,
it becomes the distinction in terms of physics as stated just now .
We might therefore conclude that an image is an occurrence having the quality associated with stimulation by some sense-organ ,
but not due to such stimulation .
In human beings ,
images seem to depend upon past experience ,
but perhaps in more instinctive animals they are partly due to innate cerebral mechanisms .
In any case dependence upon experience is not the mark by which they are to be defined .
This shows how intimate is the dependence of traditional psychology upon physics ,
and how difficult it is to make psychology into an autonomous science .
There is ,
however ,
still a further refinement necessary .
Whatever is included under our present definition is an image ,
but some things not included are also images .
The sight of an object may bring with it a visual image of some other object frequently associated with it .
This latter is called an image ,
not a sensation ,
because ,
though also visual ,
it is not appropriate to the stimulus in a certain sense :
it would not appear in a photograph of the scene ,
or in a photograph of the retina .
Thus we are forced to say :
the sensation element in the reaction to a stimulus is that part which enables you to draw inferences as to the nature of the extra-cerebral
event (
if any )
which was the stimulus ;9
the rest is images .
Fortunately ,
images and sensations usually differ in intrinsic quality ;
this makes it possible to get an approximate idea of the external world by using the usual intrinsic differences ,
and to correct it afterwards by means of the strict causal definition .
But evidently the matter is difficult and complicated ,
depending upon physics and physiology ,
not upon pure psychology .
This is the main thing to be realised about images .
9
I .
e .
the immediate stimulus ,
not the “
physical object ”.
The above discussion has suggested a definition of the word “
image ”.
We might have called an event an “
image ”
when it is recognisably of the same kind as a “
percept ”,
but does not have the stimulus which it would have if it were a percept .
But if this definition is to be made satisfactory ,
it will be necessary to substitute a different word in place of “
percept ”.
For example ,
in the percept of a visible object it would be usual to include certain associated tactual elements ,
but these must ,
from our point of view ,
count as images .
It will be better to say ,
therefore ,
that an “
image ”
is an occurrence recognisably visual (
or auditory ,
etc .,
as the case may be ),
but not caused by a stimulus which is of the nature of light (
or sound etc .,
as the case may be ),
or at any rate only indirectly so caused as a result of association .
With this definition ,
I do not myself feel any doubt as to the existence of images .
It is clear that they constitute most of the material of dreams and day-dreams,
that they are utilised by composers in making music ,
that we employ them when we get out of a familiar room in the dark (
though here the rats in mazes make a different explanation possible ),
and that they account for the shock of surprise we have when we take salt thinking it is sugar or (
as happened to me recently )
vinegar thinking it is coffee .
The question of the causation of images —
i .
e .
whether it is in the brain or in other parts of the body —
is not one which it is necessary to our purposes to decide ,
which is fortunate ,
since ,
so far as I know ,
there is not at present any adequate evidence on the point .
But the existence of images and their resemblance to perception is important ,
as we shall see in the next chapter .
Images come in various ways ,
and play various parts .
There are those that come as accretions to a case of sensation ,
which are not recognised as images except by the psychologist ;
these form ,
for example ,
the tactual quality of things we only see ,
and the visual quality of things we only touch .
I think dreams belong ,
in part ,
to this class of images :
some dreams result from misinterpreting some ordinary stimulus ,
and in these cases the images are those suggested by a sensation ,
but suggested more uncritically than if we were awake .
Then there are images which are not attached to a present reality ,
but to one which we locate in the past ;
these are present in memory ,
not necessarily always ,
but sometimes .
Then there are images not attached to reality at all so far as our feeling about them goes :
images which merely float into our heads in reverie or in passionate desire .
And finally there are images which are called up voluntarily ,
for example ,
in considering how to decorate a room .
This last kind has its importance ,
but I shall say nothing more about it at present ,
since we cannot profitably discuss it until we have decided what we are to mean by the word “
voluntary ”.
The first kind ,
which comes as an accretion to sensation ,
and gives to our feeling of objects a certain rotundity and full-bloodedness which the stimulus alone would hardly warrant ,
has been considered already .
Therefore what remains for the present is the use of images in memory and imagination ;
and of these two I shall begin with memory .
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