allusions;
for instance in MS. C. l5b (1),
l. 9.
In the arrangement of the texts referring to this I have placed those first,
in which historical personages are named—
Nos. 670-674.
Among the descriptions of Allegorical subjects two texts lately found at Oxford have been included,
Nos. 676
and 677.
They are particularly interesting because they are accompanied by large sketches which render the meaning of the texts perfectly clear.
It is very intelligible that in other cases,
where there are no illustrative sketches,
the notes must necessarily remain obscure or admit of various interpretations.
The literature of the time affords ample evidence of the use of such allegorical representations,
particularly during the Carnival and in Leonardo's
notes we find the Carnival expressly mentioned—
Nos. 685
and 704. Vasari
in his Life of Pontormo,
particularly describes that artist's various undertakings for Carnival festivities.
These very graphic descriptions appear to me to throw great light in more ways than one on the meaning of Leonardo's
various notes as to allegorical representations and also on mottoes and emblems—
Nos. 681-702.
In passing judgment on the allegorical sketches and emblems it must not be overlooked that even as pictures they were always accompanied by explanations in words.
Several finished drawings of allegorical compositions or figures have been preserved,
but as they have no corresponding explanation in the MSS.
they had no claim to be reproduced here.
The female figure on Pl. XXVI
may perhaps be regarded as a study for such an allegorical painting,
of which the purport would have been explained by an inscription.
On Madonna pictures.
663.
[
In the autumn of] 1478
I began the two Madonna [
pictures].
[
Footnote:
Photographs of this page have been published by BRAUN,
No. 439,
and PHILPOT,
No. 718.
1.
Incominciai.
We have no other information as to the two pictures of the Madonna here spoken of.
As Leonardo
here tells us that he had begun two Madonnas at the same time,
the word '
incominciai'
may be understood to mean that he had begun at the same time preparatory studies for two pictures to be painted later.
If this is so,
the non-existence of the pictures may be explained by supposing that they were only planned and never executed.
I may here mention a few studies for pictures of the Madonna which probably belong to this early time;
particularly a drawing in silver-point
on bluish tinted paper at Windsor—
see Pl. XL,
No. 3—,
a drawing of which the details have almost disappeared in the original but have been rendered quite distinct in the reproduction;
secondly a slight pen and ink sketch in,
the Codex VALLARDI,
in the Louvre,
fol. 64,
No. 2316;
again a silver point drawing of a Virgin and child drawn over again with the pen in the His de
la Salle
collection also in the Louvre,
No. 101. (
See Vicomte BOTH DE TAUZIA,
Notice des
dessins de
la collection His de
la Salle,
exposes au Louvre. Paris 1881,
pp. 80, 81.)
This drawing is,
it is true,
traditionally ascribed to Raphael,
but the author of the catalogue very justly points out its great resemblance with the sketches for Madonnas in the British Museum which are indisputably Leonardo's.
Some of these have been published by Mr. HENRY WALLIS
in the Art Journal,
New Ser.
No. 14, Feb. 1882.
If the non-existence of the two pictures here alluded to justifies my hypothesis that only studies for such pictures are meant by the text,
it may also be supposed that the drawings were made for some comrade in VERROCCHIO'S
atelier. (
See VASARI, Sansoni's
ed. Florence 1880.
Vol. IV,
p. 564): "
E perche a Lerenzo
piaceva fuor di
modo la maniera di Lionardo,
la seppe cosi bene imitare,
che niuno fu che nella pulitezza e nel finir l'opere con diligenza l'imitasse più di
lui." Leonardo's
notes give me no opportunity of discussing the pictures executed by him in Florence,
before he moved to Milan.
So the studies for the unfinished picture of the Adoration of the Magi—
in the Uffizi, Florence—
cannot be described here,
nor would any discussion about the picture in the Louvre "
La Vierge
aux Rochers"
be appropriate in the absence of all allusion to it in the MSS.
Therefore,
when I presently add a few remarks on this painting in explanation of the Master's drawings for it,
it will be not merely with a view to facilitate critical researches about the picture now in the National Gallery, London,
which by some critics has been pronounced to be a replica of the Louvre
picture,
but also because I take this opportunity of publishing several finished studies of the Master's which,
even if they were not made in Florence
but later in Milan,
must have been prior to the painting of the Last Supper.
The original picture in Paris
is at present so disfigured by dust and varnish that the current reproductions in photography actually give evidence more of the injuries to which the picture has been exposed than of the original work itself.
The wood-cut
given on p. 344,
is only intended to give a general notion of the composition.
It must be understood that the outline and expression of the heads,
which in the picture is obscured but not destroyed,
is here altogether missed.
The facsimiles which follow are from drawings which appear to me to be studies for "
La Vierge
aux Rochers."
1.
A drawing in silver point on brown toned paper of a woman's head looking to the left.
In the Royal Library at Turin,
apparently a study from nature for the Angel's head (Pl. XLII).
2.
A study of drapery for the left leg of the same figure,
done with the brush, Indian
ink on greenish paper,
the lights heightened with white.
The original is at Windsor,
No. 223.
The reproduction Pl. XLIII
is defective in the shadow on the upper part of the thigh,
which is not so deep as in the original;
it should also be observed that the folds of the drapery near the hips are somewhat altered in the finished work in the Louvre,
while the London
copy shows a greater resemblance to this study in that particular.
3.
A study in red chalk for the bust of the Infant Christ—
No. 3
in the Windsor
collection (Pl. XLIV).
The well-known silver-point
drawing on pale green paper,
in the Louvre,
of a boy's head (
No. 363
in REISET,
Notice des
dessins, Ecoles
d'Italie)
seems to me to be a slightly altered copy,
either from the original picture or from this red chalk study.
4.
A silver-point
study on greenish paper,
for the head of John
the Baptist,
reproduced on p. 342.
This was formerly in the Codex Vallardi
and is now exhibited among the drawings in the Louvre.
The lights are,
in the original,
heightened with white;
the outlines,
particularly round the head and ear,
are visibly restored.
There is a study of an outstretched hand—
No. 288
in the Windsor
collection—
which was published in the Grosvenor
Gallery Publication, 1878,
simply under the title of: "
No. 72
Study of a hand,
pointing"
which,
on the other hand,
I regard as a copy by a pupil.
The action occurs in the kneeling angel of the Paris
picture and not in the London
copy.
These four genuine studies form,
I believe,
a valuable substitute in the absence of any MS.
notes referring to the celebrated Paris
picture.]
Bernardo di Bandino's
Portrait.
664.
A tan-coloured
small cap,
A doublet of black serge,
A black jerkin lined A blue coat lined,
with fur of foxes'
breasts,
and the collar of the jerkin covered with black and white stippled velvet Bernardo di Bandino Baroncelli;
black hose.
[
Footnote:
These eleven lines of text are by the side of the pen and ink drawing of a man hanged—Pl. LXII,
No. 1.
This drawing was exhibited in 1879
at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts
in Paris
and the compilers of the catalogue amused themselves by giving the victim's name as follows: "Un
pendu,
vetu d'une longue robe, les
mains liées sur le
dos … Bernardo di Bendino Barontigni,
marchand de
pantalons" (
see Catalogue descriptif des Dessins de Mailres
anciens exposes a l'Ecole des
Beaux Arts, Paris 1879;
No. 83,
pp. 9-10).
Now,
the criminal represented here,
is none other than Bernardino di Bandino Baroncelli
the murderer of Giuliano
de'Medici,
whose name as a coadjutor in the conspiracy of the Pazzi
has gained a melancholy notoriety by the tragedy of the 26th
April 1478. Bernardo
was descended from an ancient family and the son of the man who,
under King Ferrante,
was President of the High Court of Justice in Naples.
His ruined fortunes,
it would seem,
induced him to join the Pazzi;
he and Francesco Pazzi
were entrusted with the task of murdering Giuliano
de'Medici on the fixed day.
Their victim not appearing in the cathedral at the hour when they expected him,
the two conspirators ran to the palace of the Medici
and induced him to accompany them. Giuliano
then took his place in the chancel of the Cathedral,
and as the officiating priest raised the Host—
the sign agreed upon—Bernardo
stabbed the unsuspecting Giuliano
in the breast with a short sword; Giuliano
stepped backwards and fell dead.
The attempt on Lorenzo's
life however,
by the other conspirators at the same moment,
failed of success. Bernardo
no sooner saw that Lorenzo
tried to make his escape towards the sacristy,
than he rushed upon him,
and struck down Francesco Nori
who endeavoured to protect Lorenzo.
How Lorenzo
then took refuge behind the brazen doors of the sacristy,
and how,
as soon as Giuliano's
death was made known,
the further plans of the conspirators were defeated,
while a terrible vengeance overtook all the perpetrators and accomplices,
this is no place to tell. Bernardo Bandini
alone seemed to be favoured by fortune;
he hid first in the tower of the Cathedral,
and then escaped undiscovered from Florence.
Poliziano,
who was with Lorenzo
in the Cathedral,
says in his 'Conjurationis Pactianae Commentarium': "Bandinus
fugitans in Tiphernatem
incidit,
a quo in aciem receptus Senas
pervenit."
And Gino Capponi
in summing up the reports of the numerous contemporary narrators of the event,
says: "Bernardo Bandini
ricoverato in Costantinopoli,
fu per ordine del Sultano
preso e consegnato a un Antonio di Bernardino
dei Medici,
che Lorenzo
aveva mandato apposta in Turchia:
così era grande la potenza di
quest'
uomo e grande la voglia di
farne mostra e che non
restasse in vita chi aveagli ucciso il fratello,
fu egli applicato appena giunto" (Storia della Republica di Firenze II, 377, 378).
Details about the dates may be found in the Chronichetta di Belfredello Strinati Alfieri: "Bernardo di Bandino Bandini
sopradetto ne
venne preso da Gostantinopoti
a dì 14. Dicembre 1479
e disaminato,
che fu al Bargello,
fu impiccato alle finestre di
detto Bargello
allato alla Doana
a dì 29. Dicembre MCCCCLXXIX
che pochi dì
stette."
It may however be mentioned with reference to the mode of writing the name of the assassin that,
though most of his contemporaries wrote Bernardo Bandini,
in the Breve Chronicon Caroli Petri de Joanninis
he is called Bernardo di Bandini Baroncelli;
and,
in the Sententiae Domini Matthaei de Toscana, Bernardus Joannis Bandini de Baroncellis,
as is written on Leonardo's
drawing of him when hanged.
Now VASARI,
in the life of Andrea del Castagno (
Vol. II, 680;
ed. Milanesi 1878),
tells us that in 1478
this painter was commissioned by order of the Signoria
to represent the members of the Pazzi
conspiracy as traitors,
on the facade of the Palazzo del Podestà—
the Bargello.
This statement is obviously founded on a mistake,
for Andrea del Castagno
was already dead in 1457.
He had however been commissioned to paint Rinaldo
degli Albizzi,
when declared a rebel and exiled in 1434,
and his adherents,
as hanging head downwards;
and in consequence he had acquired the nickname of Andrea
degl' Impiccati.
On the 21st
July 1478
the Council of Eight came to the following resolution: "
item servatis etc.
deliberaverunt et
santiaverunt Sandro Botticelli
pro ejus labore in pingendo proditores flor.
quadraginta largos" (
see G. MILANESI,
Arch.
star. VI (1862)
p. 5
note.)
As has been told, Giuliano de' Medici
was murdered on the 26th
April 1478,
and we see by this that only three months later Botticelli
was